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Draft text: Darlington

BANKS AND BUILDING SOCIETIES [1]
by Gillian Cookson
Please note that this is draft text which may be substantially revised and edited before publication

Early banking, to 1826:

The financial services industry of Darlington originated in small-scale transactions organised by merchants during the 18th century, as a necessary but subsidiary adjunct to other trades. Several small banks were founded in the town before 1825, but the Pease and Backhouse banks, both of which were at first supplementary to textile businesses, were exceptional in surviving independently to the end of the 19th century. James Backhouse, the Quaker linen manufacturer, combined religious and commercial business while travelling in London, Norwich, Lancashire, Yorkshire and the Midlands. He became agent for the Royal Exchange Assurance in Darlington in 1759, by which time he had also started holding notes and dealing in bills. [2] The Pease family was involved in banking activity by 1765, with Joseph Pease (1737-1808), later joined by his son Edward (1767-1858), lending money as a sideline to trading in worsteds. [3]


James Backhouse was not the first to sell insurance to Darlington residents. The Sun insurance company covered a number of properties and their contents against fire before 1720. [4] The town acquired its own insurance business in 1782, when the Darlington Commercial Mutual Insurance Company was established to cover risks in the transit of goods. It continued later as the Marine Insurance Association. [5] But more noteworthy are the achievements of certain local Quakers in the London insurance and financial markets. The success which they attained in time fed back into the industrial development of the Tees valley. Thomas Backhouse (1750-1824), known as Merican Backhouse for having lived in the United States - he was the son of William Backhouse of New York, younger brother of James - joined Lloyd's of London, then known as Lloyd's Coffee House, whose main business was marine insurance, in about 1792, and was chairman to the committee of underwriters for many years. 'Merican', who was not involved in the Backhouse bank, retired to Darlington where he had had West Lodge rebuilt. [6] His nephew, John Backhouse III, was a member of Lloyds, from 1799 to 1847. [7] William Ianson (1772?-1848), later Janson, originally of Darlington, also became an underwriter at Lloyds. [8] His son Richard (1799-1830) was a stockbroker, founder of the firm of Foster and Janson in 1830. [9] Equally remarkable were the careers of Thomas Richardson and John Kitching, who left Darlington in about 1790, went on to make fortunes in bill-broking and insurance in the City, and whose subsequent investments in the Tees Valley were to have significant consequences for Darlington and its region. [10]


Financial activities during the 18th and early 19th centuries took place in a climate of uncertainty and anxiety about coinage and notes. A public meeting in 1779 discussed the problem of base copper coins circulating in Darlington. [11] Many provincial banks issued their own notes, and forgery was a recurring problem. James Backhouse was concerned about forged bills in 1763. [12] A printed notice of 1778 alerted the public to counterfeit notes 'appearing to be signed by James Backhouse, for James and Jonathan Backhouse and Company, for Five Guineas each, payable to Henry Gray, or Bearer, on Demand, at Darlington, or fourteen days after sight, at Smith, Wright and Gray's, Bankers, in London, which are forged, have been circulated, and Attempts made to circulate others..'. There followed a description of John Mathison, a Scot, watchmaker, suspected of being the source of these forgeries. The Darlington bank offered a reward of £50 for his apprehension, £100 for a conviction, and 20 guineas for the plates used in the forgery. [13] Mathison was caught the following year, tried to hang himself after being convicted of forging Darlington and Tyne bank notes but was cut down by his jailer, and was shortly afterwards executed. [14]


John Clement, variously described as a gentleman or merchant, who was a member of the vestry and in 1757 overseer of the poor, [15] came to wider notice in consequence of the currency crisis afflicting trade in the north of England. Clement was recorded as borrowing money at interest from Francis Holmes in the 1760s. [16] Though not then titled a banker, in 1772 he offered to exchange Portugese gold when British coin was in acutely short supply, and generally defective. The Darlington district was said to be 'flooded' with Portugese gold, which might have helped alleviate the problem, except that its dubious quality caused it to be often refused. [17] It was claimed that during a robbery in Gainford thieves left behind several pounds' worth of the gold, 'a proof of the antipathy people have taken to this coin, which, if not removed, must prove very prejudicial to trade in general'. [18] The town's tradesmen tried to encourage acceptance of the Portugese coin, holding meetings at the Posthouse and Tollbooth at which they confirmed that 'all good foreign gold… be taken in payment as usual', although their attempts were undermined by the coin's continuing rejection by the collector of the revenue and by farmers. [19] Clement supported the campaign to stop the 'indiscriminate refusal', advertising that he would exchange 'guineas or London drafts at one month for Portugese Gold, sterling, of the 36s. coin', subject to certain weight. [20] By the end of the 1770s, Clement was engaged upon numerous banking transactions with Backhouse and Co. [21] His bank appears to have closed before 1791, [22] and he died in or before 1800. [23]


One of Clement's executors was George Lewis Hollingsworth, partner in the prominent but troubled Darlington bank of Richardson and Mowbray. [24] This business had been founded before 1778 by Richard Richardson sen., his sons, and John Mowbray, and appears to have been the first in the region to have had branches as well as a head office. [25] Forced to suspend cash payments during a general run on banks in 1793, the partners issued notes, repaid with interest the following year. The elder Richardson died at about that time, and the bank's name changed to Wetherell, Mowbray and Co. by 1802, when Mowbray had been joined by John Wetherell, of Field House, Darlington (1734-1805). [26] John Mowbray, like Clement and Wetherell, was involved in town government as a member of the vestry. [27] George Lewis Hollingsworth, who arrived in Darlington on joining the bank in 1796, was made a partner, as, later, were his brother-in-law William Richard Stokes, and others. [28] Hollingsworth's local standing was so high that he was among the party which laid the foundation stone of the new Darlington town hall in 1808. The bank, sometimes known on notes as the Durham Bank, issued notes of £1 and £5, and from 1814, of a guinea. It was for a forgery on this bank that John Boyd was executed at Morpeth in 1809. [29]


The bank itself came to grief in the post-war depression of 1815, when it was declared insolvent, the owners bearing joint liability for debts. The partnership at this time appears to have consisted of John Mowbray's brother Arthur, John Wetherell the younger, Hollingsworth, William Shields, William Boulton, and William Richard Stokes. [30] Based in High Row, the bank also had branches in Durham and Thirsk, and had recently opened a London office, possibly at the behest of Stokes. [31] Hollingsworth was widely blamed for the bankruptcy, as his father-in-law had accumulated an overdraft of £12,000. [32] He responded by printing a thirty-page pamphlet, giving an account of his income and expenditure over his years as a partner in the bank, and especially since his marriage in 1807. By his account, the exclusive cause of the insolvency was the debt of Easterby, Hall and Co., proprietors of lead mines in Arkendale and Derwent, who began taking out loans from the bank in 1805. By 1808 £100,000 was owed, increasing to £170,000 at the time of the failure. [33] Hollingsworth's version of events was not universally accepted, and an exchange of letters with one dissatisfied creditor in the Durham Advertiser continued into 1816. Hollingsworth by that time had moved to Haltwhistle in Northumberland. [34] Matters were not finally wound up until 1849, when a dividend of 3s 4d in the pound was paid. [35] Backhouse and Co. later acquired the High Row premises, and also the services of Nathaniel Plews, formerly employed as cashier by the Barnard Castle agent of Mowbray and partners, who went on to play a prominent role in promoting and directing the North of England Railway in Darlington. [36]


High Row increasingly attracted Darlington's financial institutions. By 1820 it housed the bank of John Baxter and a branch of William Skinner and Co., also sometimes known as Skinner, Atty and Holt's Commercial Bank, of Stockton. [37] Baxter is thought to have been the same man as a clerk recorded in the employment of Lumley, Wilkinson & Co., bankers, of Stockton, in 1814. After Lumley's failure in 1815, he apparently entered Ridley's bank in Newcastle. Baxter's bank or loan office, adorned with a large sign reading 'Bank' in gilt letters, was next to the Talbot Inn. The bank, which did not issue notes and was 'not a very profitable concern', fell victim to the commercial conditions of the winter of 1825-6. Baxter left the town 'at the climax of a crisis', becoming agent to a coal merchant in London before his death in 1843. [38] Skinner's bank, while obliged to suspend payments for a brief period, survived the events of 1825-6. A potentially disastrous run on its Darlington branch was averted by Edward Pease, who was said to have gone behind the counter to write in a book there: 'Edward Pease and Co. keep their account at this Bank and are so satisfied of its solvency that they hereby engage to indemnify creditors of the Bank to the extent of £10,000'. Skinner and Co. became joint stock by joining the National Provincial Bank of England in 1836. [39]


The first savings bank in Darlington was established in 1817, the same year that such institutions were authorised by Act of Parliament. [40] It immediately proved very popular, attracting deposits of over £36,000 within a decade, but collapsed in 1833 amidst rumours, possibly groundless, of embezzlement. [41] The Darlington Savings Bank was reconstituted in 1837, and twelve years later had almost 1,100 savers with total deposits of over £23,000. [42] For a time this bank too was on High Row, in a small room behind the shop of Greene Atkinson, a printer and Methodist stalwart, who was its actuary. [43] By the mid century it had moved to the Horsemarket, occupying part of the Bull Inn property. [44] The savings bank celebrated its jubilee in 1887. [45] It was amalgamated into the Newcastle upon Tyne Trustee Savings Bank in 1912. [46]


Thomas Richardson and John Kitching

Thomas Richardson, 'one of the foremost financiers of his age', whose bill-broking firm, 'was to be the wonder and admiration of the business world in the day of its prosperity, and which was to terrify London by the greatness of its fall', was born in Darlington in 1771. Richardson, who started life in modest circumstances and with a limited education, was first apprenticed to a grocer, a fellow Quaker, in Sunderland. [47] Edward Pease, his cousin, then paid his passage to London and introduced him to Smith, Wright and Gray, a leading firm of London bankers, members of the Society of Friends. [48] Richardson rose from being errand boy, to a clerkship, and later confidential manager. In 1802 he set up in partnership with John Overend, a Quaker who had arrived in London from Settle at about the same time as Richardson, and who later married Richardson's sister. [49] They also tried to recruit to their business John Kitching (1771-1864), eldest son of the Tubwell Row ironmonger William, and half brother of Alfred Kitching (1808-1882) who later established the Railway Foundry in Darlington. John Kitching had gone to London at about the same time as Overend and Richardson, on the advice of his mother's brother, an Ianson, 'as there seemed few openings for an energetic business career in the north at that time'. [50] In London, the three young men had been warmly welcomed by 'south country Friends who were wont to exercise a very real care over the members of their flock'. [51]


The business of Richardson and Overend was based on Overend's original idea of charging commission on bills of exchange only to the borrower, and their names became 'a household word in the Banking and Financial circles of the world'. [52] The partners soon moved from a small office in Finch Lane to grander premises on Lombard Street, and were joined in 1807 by John and Samuel Gurney, of the Norwich banking family which had advised and possibly financed them at the outset, becoming Overend, Gurney & Co. Ltd. after Richardson's retirement in 1830. [53] John Kitching at first declined their offer of partnership, and worked for another Ianson relative, William, a muslin manufacturer. [54] Ianson and Kitching joined Richardson and Overend in a marine insurance business in 1804. They rode out the war to 'emerge victorious', becoming underwriters at Lloyds in about 1818. [55] John Kitching retired very young, having made a great deal of money. [56] The links between these families, and between the London money market and Darlington industry, were further cemented when Mary Kitching, John's sister, became Overend's second wife in 1831. [57] Richardson retired to Great Ayton, where he died in 1853, but through his years in London had 'retained a warm interest in the affairs of the north' and was a considerable investor in the Stockton and Darlington railway and in the development of Middlesbrough. [58] He was also a partner in George Stephenson's locomotive works in Newcastle, and invested heavily in the Great North of England Railway. [59] John Kitching, who lived out the remainder of his life in Stamford Hill, London, where William Ianson and Thomas Richardson had their London homes, also invested heavily in the Stockton and Darlington railway, and helped his younger half-brother weather the difficult early years of the foundry business. [60]


Backhouse's Bank

Entries in James Backhouse's journal for 1756 confirm that he was already engaged in banking alongside his main occupation as a linen manufacturer. [61] It is often said that the bank was formally established in 1774, although there does not appear to be clear evidence for this date. [62] Backhouse certainly issued notes in 1774, and with his son Jonathan had set up a 'banking shop' in Darlington by 1777. [63] The following year they had a London agent, the Quaker firm of Smith, Wright and Gray, who also dealt with Joseph and Edward Pease and were later to employ Thomas Richardson. [64] Backhouse family apprenticeship indentures from 1761 show a gradual change from purely textile manufacturing to include training in banking by the end of the century. [65]


Analysis of the bank's customers in 1778-80 has shown that fewer than a third were in County Durham, with the majority in Yorkshire, Lancaster and London. [66] It has been argued that Backhouse invested very little in industry before 1800, and that the bank's main influence on industrial development in the region came between 1815 and 1836. [67] During the first half century of the bank, the Backhouses refined their procedures, familiarised themselves with the London money market, and developed experience of risk assessment, as well as establishing a reputation for probity which was recognised far beyond the region. Industrial support was therefore selective at first, and based on a careful calculation of risk, so that later the bank proved very successful in advancing long-term capital to speculative projects. [68] James and Jonathan Backhouse did support some Darlington enterprises, notably John Kendrew's efforts to develop a flax-spinning machine in 1790, and in c .1796 lent £200 to William Kitching and William Hodgson, cast iron founders and moulders. [69] When an account of debts was drawn up on the death of James Backhouse in 1798, based on banking and linen ledgers which are now lost, there were no obvious industrial loans outstanding. [70] The Backhouses bought shares in two ships in 1803, [71] but it was not until rather later, after the Stockton and Darlington railway was established, that they developed a portfolio of interests in collieries and other banks and shipping. [72]


Backhouses appear to have been close to failure in 1815, during the post-war banking crisis which hit the north-east particularly hard. [73] They had suffered losses through collapses of other banks in the region during the previous decade, and between 1810 and 1815 made no surplus from the linen business upon which their profitability still depended. [74] It is suggested that, had the run on the bank been later that year, they would not have had the liquidity to meet it. The business survived because of its high reputation and the support of prominent customers. [75] Backhouses had ridden out an earlier crisis, in 1803 when other banks in the region stopped payment, also through the loyalty of its customers. [76] The bank next faced ruin in 1819, when the Earl of Darlington, prominent opponent of the Stockton and Darlington railway, of which Jonathan Backhouse was a leading promoter, made a deliberate attempt to bankrupt it. The effort failed as Backhouse was able to mobilise supporters in London who could immediately supply £32,000 in gold, outflanking the Earl who had stockpiled Backhouse notes with the intention of cashing them simultaneously. [77]


After 1820, the Backhouse linen business lost money, but gains from banking more than compensated. [78] In addition, the family had supplied 17 per cent of the capital, and two of the fourteen directors, to the Stockton and Darlington railway, an investment which was to prove very profitable. [79] The importance of the Backhouses and their bank to the railway is underlined by the Earl of Darlington's tactics against them. [80] Jonathan Backhouse's views about canal and railway proposals discussed between 1812 and 1818, when consensus fixed upon the railway, show that his concern was the economic development of Darlington, and not a coal trade to rival those of the Tyne and Wear. [81] He was looking to advance the family's textile interests in Darlington itself, as well as the coal industry of the Wear supported by his bank's recently opened Sunderland branch. [82] Underlining the significance of the railway to the Backhouses, arrangements were made for the bank's branches across County Durham and the North Riding to receive investors' money. [83] The London committee set up in 1818 to obtain subscriptions for the railway consisted of members of the Backhouses' and Peases' Quaker financial network, some of whom had originated in Darlington and others who were related by marriage, including Thomas Richardson, Samuel Gurney, and John Overend. [84] In 1811, Jonathan Backhouse had married Hannah Gurney, daughter of the Norwich banker, Joseph Gurney. [85] Hannah's sister Emma married Joseph Pease, treasurer of the railway, in 1826, and another sister, Jane, was married to a prominent supporter of the railway, Henry Birkbeck, a Norfolk banker, in 1820. [86] Emphasising the links between these Quaker banking families, Joseph Gurney's grandchildren by 1838 included Backhouses, Birkbecks, Barclays and Peases, all names of major investors in the railway. [87] The Iansons had also promoted the railway investment as members of the fund-raising committee in London, and it is noteworthy that the stockbroker Richard Janson (1799-1830) was briefly married to Mary Backhouse of Darlington, daughter of James, until her early death in 1824. [88] The Backhouses also formed an alliance with the Richardsons of Sunderland in 1799, when Elizabeth Backhouse (1777-1843), daughter of Jonathan, married Thomas Richardson (d.1835), unrelated to his London namesake. Richardson was active in the management of Backhouses' bank, and his son, Jonathan (1802-71), of Woodlands, Darlington, became managing director of the Northumberland and Durham Bank, and founder of the Derwent, later Consett, Iron Company. [89]


Jonathan Backhouse, who was married to Ann, daughter of Edward Pease, and thus a brother-in-law of Joseph Pease, had become senior partner of the bank in 1802 after his father's death and brother's retirement. [90] In 1810 the bank had branches in Darlington, Durham, Stockton, Thirsk, Barnard Castle, Bishop Auckland, Northallerton and Hartlepool, [91] and was known as Jonathan Backhouse & Co. of Darlington. [92] After his death in 1826, the bank was run by five of Jonathan Backhouse's sons, and by Jonathan Richardson. [93] The business was by this time on a solid footing, and growing in profitability as shares in the railway increased in price from £80 to £315 between 1823 and 1832, and dividends rose to eight per cent in the early 1830s. [94] The banking storm of 1825-6 was weathered, though not without problems, with Thomas Richardson of London warning the younger Jonathan Backhouse of difficulties he faced in relation to bills and bonds held on behalf of Backhouses and the railway. [95] Having survived a crisis which finished many other provincial banks, Backhouses began to invest more widely in industry, extending their interests beyond existing ones in the railway and the Hetton Coal Company. [96]


Backhouses' had opened a Newcastle branch in 1825, managed by Jonathan Richardson and William Backhouse, and also moved into South Shields. Correspondence between the bank's partners after 1826 reveals a debate about the desirability of joint stock banking, and also a concern that as a private bank they were susceptible to takeover by the new joint stock banks. [97] In the event, the Darlington bank remained a thriving private concern, with a range of interests in stockbroking, railways, collieries and shipping. [98] An idea first suggested in 1830 was that some branches should be disposed of to a joint stock bank. [99] Jonathan Richardson was the architect of this, instrumental in setting up the Northumberland and Durham District Banking Company in 1836, into which the Newcastle, Sunderland and South Shields branches of Backhouse's were merged. [100]


The dominant figure in the bank's final half century of independence was Edmund Backhouse, son of the younger Jonathan, who was born in 1824 and trained in banking by his mother's family in Norwich. [101] On the death of his father he was only eighteen, and quickly rose in the business as other members died or retired. [102] The partners in 1846 were Edward, John, William, John Church and Edmund Backhouse. [103] John died in 1847, William retired in 1855 - he died soon afterwards - and Edward withdrew in 1858, the same year that J.C. Backhouse died. [104] Edmund Backhouse became senior partner at the age of 34, to be joined by sons and grandsons of Edward. [105] The partnership in 1892 consisted of Edmund, James Edward, and Jonathan Backhouse, and Edward Backhouse Mounsey, son of Edward's daughter. [106]


The bank had moved from its Northgate premises in 1815, to take over the offices of the failed business of Mowbray, Hollingsworth and Co. on High Row. An elegant new building was constructed there for them in 1866. [107] Backhouses retained the power to issue bank notes and were doing so at their Darlington, Durham and Stockton-on-Tees branches in 1849. [108] The branch network stretched also to Thirsk, Barnard Castle, Northallerton, Bishop Auckland, Hartlepool, Middlesbrough, West Hartlepool, Sunderland and Bedale in 1856, [109] and Seaham was listed in 1873. [110] By the time of the amalgamation with Barclays in 1896, there were fourteen branches and sub-branches, employing 78 bank officials. [111] An Officers' Annuity and Guarantee Fund, an employees' insurance scheme in association with the Imperial Life Fund, was set up in the 1860s. [112]


The bank's independence ended in 1896. A merger with the North Eastern Banking Company had been proposed in the previous year, [113] but it was with two other Quaker-owned banks with which Backhouses had long financial and family links that they united. Barclay, Bevan and Co. of London, and Gurneys of Norwich, joined Backhouses to become Barclay and Co. Ltd. [114] The new company invited other banks to join, resulting in an amalgamation of 13 banks, of which Backhouses was third largest in deposits, and fourth in capital. [115]


J. and J.W.Pease

The Pease bank differed markedly from others in the town. Although, like that of Backhouse, it developed in the mid 18th century as a sideline of textile manufacture, it remained an entirely private concern, without branches, a note issue or any direct dealings with the general public. [116] While referred to by Edward Pease as 'Pease Partners Bank', it was not listed in directories and appears not to have been formally constituted until about 1820. [117] Its role thereafter was as 'counting house for the various Pease enterprises', including the Stockton and Darlington railway. [118]


The Pease family, in particular Edward's son Joseph, had made large financial commitments to the proposed Stockton and Darlington railway. Later, the Pease bank became heavily involved in the iron industry and in the family's colliery businesses. It was banker to the revived Derwent and Consett Iron Company from 1857. Joseph Pease remained sole proprietor of the bank until 1870, when his son (Sir) Joseph Whitwell Pease was taken in. In 1872, four other sons, Arthur, Edward, Gurney and Charles, joined the business, and following the deaths of the latter three, Sir Joseph's sons Alfred E. and Joseph Albert Pease replaced them. [119]


The Pease industrial empire was showing signs of vulnerability before the great depression at the end of the 19th century, and even before the downturn in the iron industry in 1873. The fragility of the bank was a major element in the Peases' growing weakness. [120] The surviving partners had been obliged to buy out the shares of Joseph, Gurney and Charles, all of whom died in 1872 or 1873, in order to provide for widows. [121] These and other deaths in the partnership left the bank overstretched in management as well as finance, and David Dale was brought in to run the operation, leaving Sir Joseph in charge of the other Pease businesses. [122] Pease and Partners' main income, with the ironstone business in long-term decline, was still a substantial one, from collieries, the Middlesbrough estate, and railway dividends, but the bank paid no dividend between 1892 and 1896. [123] The Pease family was losing large amounts of money through its other interests: the engineers Robert Stephenson and Co.; Wilsons, Pease and Co., successors of Gilkes, Wilson and Leatham in Middlesbrough; and from 1871, the original family textile business of Henry Pease, which continued in deficit despite large investments in new plant. Over thirty years, Sir Joseph paid £395,000 of his own money to support these three companies, as well as helping several Middlesbrough ironmasters personally in the late 1870s, and assisting other relatives in financial distress. Bad management and fraud were later blamed for some of the losses, and it was suggested that the ageing Sir Joseph kept matters too much in his own hands, declining to share responsibility with younger family members. [124]


Sir Joseph's generosity with his own money merely postponed the inevitable. The catalyst for the end of the Pease bank came in the 1890s, when his niece and former ward, who had become the Countess of Portsmouth, attempted to sell her share. After a long prevarication by Sir Joseph, and increasing insistence by the Earl of Portsmouth, the case went to court and forced the collapse of the bank. [125] Its assets were sold to Barclay and Co. Ltd. in 1902, and J. and J.W. Pease and Co. liquidated. [126] Bankruptcy, which would have been a personal and religious catastrophe for those partners who were still members of the Society of Friends, was narrowly avoided through the forbearance of some creditors and assistance from other family members.


Darlington banks after 1826:

Changes in banking law following in the wake of 1826 brought joint stock banks to Darlington. As with the savings bank in 1817, the town was at the forefront, 'possibly the first town in the north of England to avail itself of the new powers of forming a bank under the Joint Stock Act'. The formation of the Darlington District Joint Stock Banking Company was announced in the Durham Chronicle in September 1831, approved by the paper's editor, who recalled the results of the 'fatal years', 1815 and 1825: 'since the former year no less than five large banking concerns have failed and brought ruin upon thousands'. The new bank would have a capital of £400,000 in 4,000 shares of £100. It was launched with a meeting at the King's Head Inn the following month, where the security and accountability of joint stock banking was emphasised. [127] Charles Barrett, formerly of Skinner's bank, was the first manager, Warren Maude treasurer, and by 1836 there were agents at Barnard Castle, Northallerton, Stockton and Stokesley. [128]


The bank, in new premises in Prospect Place, celebrated its fiftieth anniversary in 1881, when it was reported to have capital of £317,750. [129] Branches had been established at Stockton, Guisborough, Stokesley, Barnard Castle, Leyburn, Hawes and Northallerton. But malpractice by the district manager for Hawes and Leyburn signalled the beginning of the end, in 1883. Rumours of wrongdoing led to a small run on the bank, and it emerged that the manager had been speculating on the stock exchange. He was imprisoned and bankrupted, having lost £22,000, although most of it customers' money rather than bank funds. Soon afterwards came an offer from the York City and County Bank to buy the business and all its liabilities for £70,000. The mothballed Merrybent mineral railway, which had cost £80,000 and fallen to the bank's possession following the failure of its owner, was to be retained by the Darlington shareholders. The terms of this takeover meant that investors recouped all their money. They were paid a dividend of £1, plus £18 for each £12 they had paid on shares, and expected a further payment £2 to £3 a share if the Merrybent were sold. [130] The Darlington District Joint Stock Banking Company was voluntarily wound up five years later. [131]


By the mid century, Darlington had three banks in addition to the savings bank and the Pease private bank. [132] Skinner's successor, the National Provincial Bank of England, occupied a 'handsome stone-fronted building' two doors from the Talbot Inn in High Row, [133] near to Backhouses, with the Joint Stock Bank across in Prospect Place. There were also some smaller scale enterprises designed to attract working-class customers. The Mechanics' Institution sponsored a Penny Savings Bank in the mid-1850s, and was well supported, with 900 accounts by 1862. [134] The Albert Penny Bank, established in 1873 with David Dale as its president and meetings held in the Albert Hill working men's club, did not last long, closing a decade later. [135] A branch of the Yorkshire Penny Bank opened on High Row in 1895, [136] and the North Eastern Banking Co. Ltd. moved into nearby premises in 1904. [137] The London, City and Midland Bank, successors of the York City and County Bank, opened a temporary office in Prebend Row in 1909 before moving to newly built premises on the corner of High Row and Bondgate three years later. [138] Lloyds Bank came in 1909 to a small shop in Tubwell Row, soon afterwards moving to a new office on Northgate. [139] By the 1920s, all major banks were represented in the town. [140] When contemplating a move into the Liverpool Victoria Insurance Offices on the junction of Skinnergate and Blackwellgate in 1954, Lloyds made a photographic survey of their own and other bank premises which shows an impressive collection of substantial buildings, still concentrating upon High Row. [141] Lloyds made their move in 1957, to the Liverpool Victoria building which had originally been designed by G.G.Hoskins in 1895-7 for the North of England School Furnishing Company. [142] The Midland Bank, which had absorbed the London Joint Stock Bank in 1918, built new premises in Prospect Place which opened in 1926, replacing the old bank building and also covering the neighbouring site formerly occupied by the Sun Inn on the corner of Northgate. [143]


Building societies and other mutual schemes

Mutual insurance schemes were established from an early date for workpeople of two of the town's Quaker employers. The worsted manufacturers Edward and Joseph Pease in 1813 set up and contributed towards a Woolcombers' Sick Association, which entitled subscribers to a weekly payment when they were ill. [144] There was also a short-lived scheme for women and children, wound up in 1817. [145] William and Alfred Kitching's foundry workers enjoyed a similar contributory 'Free Gift Society' from about 1843. [146] Longstaffe suggests that other 'Free Gift' associations in the town at the mid century were savings rather than insurance schemes. [147] The Ancient Order of Foresters, a club for sick and funeral benefits, had a number of branches in the town, with several hundred members, by 1850; there were also lodges of the Ancient Order of Shepherds, and of Orders of Oddfellows. [148]


Building societies were slow to establish themselves in the north-east, with the first recorded at Gateshead in 1825. [149] Before 1845, all societies were terminating ones, that is, they ceased to exist once they had fulfilled their remit to build houses for all subscribers. [150] The first known building society in the town, the Darlington Building Society, which existed in 1844, must therefore have been of this type, although not then incorporating the term in its title. This society, whose trustees were John Framer, printer and stationer; Thomas Blyth, painter; Thomas McNay, accountant; Alfred Compton Birchall, gentleman; and William Child, tanner, was involved in financing some of the earliest cottage development at Hopetown. [151] The Darlington and District Terminating Building Society, active in the town in the 1860s, may have been a later name for the same society; by the 1870s it was known as the Darlington and District Terminating Benefit Building Society. [152] Its trustees in 1864 were Henry Fell Pease, William Russell the younger, Arthur Pease, Henry Maddison and Charles Rutter Fry, all of Darlington. [153]


Before the establishment of the first permanent building societies in Darlington, there was an attempt to finance house-building for the respectable working class at Eastbourne using the model of the freehold land movement. [154] The Darlington and South Durham Freehold Land Society, registered under friendly societies legislation as the Darlington and South Durham Benefit Building Society in 1849, had political and social, as well as financial, objectives. [155] Its slogans - 'Freeholds for the million; Many hands make light work; Land for the people; Gardens for the industrious' - summarise its aims. It was established 'to bring within the reach of the working classes, by their industry and economy, the means of obtaining a plot of Freehold Land sufficient in value to confer the right of voting; and by thus stimulating to habits of frugality, to lay the foundation of an honourable independence and to elevate the social and moral condition of the people'. [156] Its officials and trustees included Henry Pease, the banker J.C.Backhouse, and the engineers John Harris and Alfred Kitching, all Quakers. It cost a shilling to join, and by paying 1s 6d. weekly for five years, subscribers would become owners of a plot of land at wholesale price, upon which they could build a house and qualify for a vote. [157]


The first permanent building society in the town, the Darlington Working Men's Equitable Permanent Building Society, formed in 1856, was followed by the Darlington Permanent Benefit Building Society in 1862. [158] The Darlington Working Men's trustees were John Harris, Edward Pease jun., and H.K.Spark, and its fluctuating balance - £332 in 1856, £1,625 in 1876, but rising to several thousands in between - was lodged with Backhouse's bank. [159] The society's first report, in 1857, noted its 'remarkable success … which has surpassed their most sanguine expectations…. A few of the working men of Darlington and adjoining places have been able to lay by, in twelve months, the sum of Two thousand Pounds… which fact affords cause for mutual congratulation and is also a proof of what the working men may do for themselves by properly husbanding their resources, and assisting each other.' There were then 226 members. [160] By 1873, County Durham had 87 building societies and the north-east, like Lancashire, was seen as a stronghold of the movement. [161] The Darlington Working Men's Equitable Permanent Building Society shortened its name in 1876 to the Darlington Equitable Building Society. [162]


A building societies act in 1874 required adequate security for society funds, but these regulations were not enforced and there were extensive frauds by officials and borrowers. [163] The most spectacular of 31 cases reported in the Building Society Gazette between 1874 and 1891 was that of the Onward Building Society of Darlington. [164] The Onward had been established in 1865, its trustees in the 1870s being William Foggitt, gentleman; William Russell the elder, plumber; and Thomas Robson, builder, all of Darlington. It grew to be one of the largest societies in the region. [165] The fraud which brought it to ruin in 1890 involved more than £45,100 in cash and fraudulent unsecured loans. An investigation by the accountant W.B.Peat blamed John Harrison, the society's secretary, whose sudden death in May 1889 had brought matters to a head, and Thomas Dennison, the clerk who succeeded Harrison as secretary and who was the only other person involved in that aspect of the business. [166] Harrison had kept money which should have been used to discharge mortgages, in some cases keeping up the repayments himself. The society's chairman was reported to have himself been a victim of the fraud. [167] Dennison, who seemed to have known about the crime without having personally profited, tried to shoot himself at the society's office, 85 Northgate, but survived and was imprisoned for nine months. [168]


Peat discovered that £8,000 cash had been taken in the four months before Harrison's death, but neither this nor the £37,000 fraudulently advanced over the preceding five years was recovered. The frauds had ceased abruptly when Harrison died, and the accountant argued that his estate could be liable for some or all of the sum. [169] When the situation came to public notice, there was a run on the building society's assets, with almost a quarter of a million pounds withdrawn in ten days. It was wound up in 1890, though it took a further fifteen years to settle the Onward's affairs. [170] Despite the scale of the theft, by 1905 a dividend of 18s. 5¼d. in the pound had been paid. Had the run on the society not taken place, it was believed that all creditors would have been paid in full and much more quickly. [171]


The turn of the century saw the emergence of a new kind of 'model' building society. Borrowers were advanced £100 for each share they held, paid no interest and repaid the debt at 10s a week. In 1902 there were five such societies in Darlington, each with about 300 members, representing 700 or 800 shares at 6d. each weekly. Some 'model' societies also offered insurance to members. [172] The Registrar General refused to approve further 'model' societies and the Darlington group subsequently merged into the Darlington and South Durham Permanent Benefit Building Society, formed for the purpose in 1904, with Sir J.E. Backhouse as president. [173] This society survived independently only until 1908, when it transferred into the Halifax Equitable, giving the Halifax an entrée into Darlington. [174]


At this time the Darlington Equitable Building Society was the oldest surviving society in the district, based in leased premises at 18 Northgate, and with part-time opening monthly in Thornaby and Middlesbrough. In 1901 the society bought land in Church Row, behind the the Boot and Shoe Hotel and the Commondale Company's premises, in order to invest some its large reserve funds in a freehold property. [175] This was close to the site of the original meetings of the Working Men's society in 1856, in a back room of Mrs Johnson's eating house. It had subsequently had a part-time office in Central Building, and then a base in High Row, before moving to Northgate in 1895. [176] When the foundation stone for the new building was laid in 1902, it was reported that the Equitable had more than 1,200 members, who had paid in £45,154 during the previous year. To date, £312,000 had been lent, of which £222,000 was repaid. There were then 421 mortgages outstanding totalling £90,596, or an average of £215 per mortgage. [177] The premises, designed by W.J.Aggutter, opened in 1903. [178]


Following in the wake of the Onward's collapse, the Durham and Yorkshire Building Society formed in 1891 with the stated intention of 'assist[ing] in the liquidation of the old Onward Society'. The Durham and Yorkshire occupied the same Northgate premises as the Onward and tried to persuade Onward borrowers to transfer their mortgages by offering lower charges than those of the liquidator. [179] A number of the new society's directors were Quakers, including several members of the Pease family. [180] The Durham and Yorkshire society disappeared in 1946 when it joined the Darlington Equitable Building Society to form the Darlington Building Society, during a wave of mergers in the building society movement. [181] It had assets of £1.34 million, compared with the Equitable's £3.493 million. Together they represented the 25th largest of 905 building societies in Britain. [182] The society moved its offices to Tubwell Row in 1965, and opened a separate head office on the new Lingfield Way industrial estate, off Yarm Road, in 1990. [183]


1 Thanks to John Banham, David Blair of the Darlington Building Society, Jessie Campbell of Barclays Bank Archives, Chris Lloyd and Ted Milligan, for help with this section. Lloyds TSB archives

2 Banham 1999, pp.10-11; Banham thesis, pp.194-6.

3 Banham thesis, p.140.

4 For instance, Guildhall Library, London, Sun Ms. 11936, 9/104 no.13358; 10/55 no 14854; 10/55 no. 14850; 13/85 no 22530; 13/96, no 22585; 13/99, no 22587.

5 Longstaffe, p.334.

6 Spencer, 61-2; J.Backhouse, Select Family Memoirs (1831), 236-9; Banham thesis, 193, 203-4; Milligan, Dictionary , forthcoming; Foster 1894, p.16; for the probate of Thomas Backhouse's will, see BBA, 388/142.

7 Banham thesis, p.204.

8 Darlington Lib., acc.E810042984.

9 Milligan, Dictionary , forthcoming.

10 See below; also G.Cookson, 'Quaker networks and the industrial development of Darlington, 1780-1870', in Andrew Popp and J.F.Wilson (eds.), Industrial Clusters and Regional Business Networks (Ashgate, 2002); 'Quaker families and business networks in 19th century Darlington', Quaker Studies , forthcoming, 2004.

11 Darlington Lib., U418XAL.

12 BBA, 388/471.

13 Dean and Chapter Lib., Allan mss., 15, pasted in front of volume; Phillips 1896, pp.13-4.

14 Newcastle Courant , 24 May 1779; 29 May 1779; Dean and Chapter Library, Allan mss., 15.

15 Dean and Chapter Lib., Allan mss., 15, loose leaf, and interleaved pp.114-5; also DUL ASC, Darlington turnpike deeds, 24/3, 29/2; Janson deeds 9/1 and 2. It is uncertain whether this was the same Clement who was in business as a linen manufacturer: cross refer to textiles.

16 DRO, D/XD 116/1

17 Maberley Phillips, A History of Banks, Bankers and Banking in Northumberland, Durham and North Yorkshire from 1755 to 1894 (1894), pp.229-30.

18 Darlington Pamphlet , 24 July 1772.

19 Phillips 1894, pp.229-30; Darlington Pamphlet , 25 Sept.1772; Longstaffe p.301.

20 Darlington Pamphlet , 25 Sept.1772; 23 Oct.1772.

21 Phillips 1894, pp.229-30, citing Backhouse's daybook, 1778-80.

22 Phillips 1894, pp.229-30; it does not appear in Barfoot and Wilkes, 1791.

23 DUL ASC, Darlington turnpike deeds, 36.

24 DUL ASC, Darlington turnpike deeds, 36; Phillips 1894, pp.353-60.

25 Phillips 1894, pp.353-60; Bailey's Northern Directory, 1781, p.181; Banham thesis, pp.125-6.

26 Phillips 1894, pp.353-60; Banham thesis, p.126.

27 Dean and Chapter Library, Allan mss., 15, loose leaf, list of vestry members in 1788.

28 Darlington Lib., acc.E810012896, George Lewis Hollingsworth, ('lately a partner'), A plain statement of facts concerning the cause of the failure of the Durham, Darlington and Thirsk banks … (privately printed, 1815); Phillips 1894, pp.353-60.

29 Phillips 1894, pp.353-60.

30 Phillips 1894, pp.353-60; Spencer 1862, pp.60-1. The sources are not entirely consistent; see also Banham 1999, p.28.

31 Phillips 1894, pp.353-60; Spencer 1862, pp.60-1.

32 Phillips 1894, pp.353-60.

33 Darlington Lib., acc.E810012896, George Lewis Hollingsworth, ('lately a partner'), A plain statement of facts concerning the cause of the failure of the Durham, Darlington and Thirsk banks … (privately printed, 1815); Phillips 1894, pp.353-60.

34 Darlington Lib., acc.E810012896, George Lewis Hollingsworth, ('lately a partner'), A plain statement of facts concerning the cause of the failure of the Durham, Darlington and Thirsk banks … (privately printed, 1815; also Banham thesis, pp.130-6.

35 Phillips 1894, pp.353-60.

36 Phillips 1894, pp.353-60; Spencer 1862, pp.60-1.

37 Pigot 1820, p.266.

38 Phillips 1894, pp.173-4; Spencer 1862, p.56.

39 Phillips 1894, pp.379-82.

40 DRO, Q/D/S/8; also Q/D/S/23, /40 and /51. See Cleary 1966, p. 28.

41 Longstaffe, p.319; Spencer, p.488.

42 Lloyds TSB Group Archive, TC/33/a/1.0; TD/349/a/1.0 and 2.0; Longstaffe, p.319; Spencer, p.488.

43 Spencer 1862, pp.73-7.

44 Parson and White 1827,p.244; DUL ASC, SDD 120. For a list of depositors, 1843-4, see DRO, D/XD 45.

45 Darlington and Stockton Times , 25 June 1887.

46 Lloyds TSB Group Archive, TC/86/a/32.0.

47 DRO, D/Ki 345, pp.46-52; J.G.Baker, 'Thomas Richardson', Friends Quarterly Examiner , xxv (1891), 519-35; DNB , XLVIII, pp.248-9.

48 Baker, 'Thomas Richardson', 521; Banham thesis, p.218.

49 Baker, 'Thomas Richardson', 523-4; DRO, D/Ki 345, pp.46-52.

50 DRO, D/Ki 353.

51 DRO, D/Ki 319, pp.60-2.

52 Baker, 'Thomas Richardson', 525; DRO, D/Ki 319, pp.60-2; DNB, XLVIII, pp.248-9; Banham thesis, pp.218-20.

53 Baker, 'Thomas Richardson', 525-6; DRO, D/Ki 319, pp.60-2; Banham thesis, pp.219-22; DNB , XLVIII, pp.248-9.

54 DRO, D/Ki 319, pp.60-2; Darlington Lib., E810042984, Ianson family tree.

55 DRO, D/Ki 319, pp.60-2; Milligan, Dictionary , forthcoming.

56 DRO, D/Ki 319, pp.60-2; D/Whes 15/16.

57 Baker, 'Thomas Richardson', 528; DRO, D/Ki 353; D/Ki 313.

58 DRO, D/Ki 345, pp.46-52; Jeans, Jubilee Memorial , pp. 293-5.

59 Baker, 'Thomas Richardson', 532-3.

60 Jeans, Jubilee Memorial , pp. 293-5; DRO, D/Ki 319, p.55; D/Whes 15/16; Kirby, Men of Business and Politics , p. 12.

61 Banham thesis, p.196, citing BBA 388/148. For Backhouse's Bank, see also Phillips 1894, pp.134-54, reprinted as M.Phillips, A History of Messrs. Backhouse & Co., Bankers, Darlington (London: Effingham, Wilson & Co., 1896); Matthews and Tuke 1926, pp.198-211; Banham 1999.

62 Banham thesis, p.197.

63 BBA, 388/314; Banham thesis, p.197.

64 Dean and Chapter Library, Allan mss., 15; Banham thesis, pp.65, 71-2.

65 BBA, 388/106.

66 Banham 1999, p.13; Banham thesis, pp.204-5; Phillips 1896, p.11.

67 Banham, 1999, pp.15-16, 34-5; Banham thesis, pp. 207-9.

68 Banham, 1999, pp.23, 34-5.

69 BBA, 388.103; Banham 1999, p.15; DRO, D/Ki 317.

70 Banham 1999, p.16.

71 BBA, 388/173.

72 See for instance BBA, 388/637; 388/606; 388/477; 388/594; 388/523; 388/522; 388/113; 388/339.

73 Banham 1999, pp.8, 18-22.

74 Banham 1999, pp.17-22.

75 Banham 1999, pp.18-22; Banham thesis, p.222; Phillips 1896, pp.15-6.

76 Phillips 1896, pp.14-5.

77 Banham 1999, p.23; Banham thesis, pp.223-4.

78 Banham 1999, p.24.

79 Banham thesis, p.227.

80 Banham 1999, p.26.

81 Kirby, Origins , pp.26-8.

82 Banham 1999, p.25; Banham thesis, pp.228-31; Phillips 1896, pp.20-1.

83 Banham 1999, p.25.

84 Banham thesis, p.231.

85 DUL ASC, Backhouse mss., 102-6.

86 Kirby, Men of Business , p.21; DUL ASC, Backhouse mss., 150.

87 DUL ASC, Backhouse mss., 206; A.Prior and M.Kirby, 'The Society of Friends and the family firm, 1700-1830', Business History , 35 (1993), pp.78-81.

88 Darlington Lib., acc.E810042984.

89 Foster, Backhouse , pp.10,18; DUL ASC, Backhouse mss., 78.

90 BBA, 388/53; Banham thesis, p.210; Matthews and Tuke, p.203.

91 BBA, 388/45.

92 Darlington Lib., acc.E810005695; BBA, 388/2861, 388/2865, 388/470.

93 BBA, 388/157; 388/253; for articles of partnership, 1812 and 1832, see 388/4, 388/336; for Jonathan Backhouse's probate, 388/720.

94 Banham 1999, p.27.

95 BBA, 388/755.

96 Banham, 1999, pp.28, 33.

97 BBA, 388/481; 388/484.

98 Banham 1999, p.33.

99 BBA, 388/481.

100 BBA, 388/338; Phillips 1896, p.22; Banham 1999, p.33; see also BBA, 388/486; Banham thesis, pp.234-6.

101 Phillips 1896, p.28.

102 See BBA, 388/526; 388/330; 388/721; 388/144; 388/145.

103 BBA, 388/332.

104 BBA, 388/334; 388/335; 388/381; 388/322; 388/80; Phillips 1896, p.25; Matthews and Tuke 1926, p.204.

105 BBA, 388/337; Matthews and Tuke, p.204.

106 BBA, 388/464; 388/468.

107 Matthews and Tuke 1926, pp.202-3.

108 BBA, 3/2864.

109 BBA, 388/1.

110 BBA, 388/2.

111 Phillips 1896, pp.29-30; for staff, 1839-55, see BBA, 388/6.

112 BBA, 388/777; 388/249; 3/2868; 3/2869; also 388/800.

113 BBA, 388/363; 388/366; 388/375.

114 BBA, 3/2867; Darlington and Stockton Times , 28 Mar.1896; Phillips 1896, preface.

115 Additional information from Jessie Campbell of Barclays Bank Archives.

116 Phillips 1894, pp.346-9; Matthews and Tuke 1926, pp.208-11.

117 Banham thesis, p.140; Phillips 1894, pp.346-9; Sir Alfred E.Pease (ed.), The diaries of Edward Pease (1907), p.361.

118 Kirby 1984, p.44.

119 Phillips 1894, pp.346-9.

120 Kirby 1984, p.81.

121 Kirby 1984, p.76.

122 Kirby 1984, pp.77, 79.

123 Kirby 1984, p.78.

124 Kirby 1984, pp.79-80.

125 See DRO, D/Pe 3/130-2; 3/133-5; /137-43.

126 BBA, 331/69; also 3/3471; 388/360; 3/1912; 3/1913; 3/1591; 3/1588; 3/1589; 3/136; 3/144-9; Northern Echo , 28 Aug.1902.

127 Phillips 1894, pp.236-9; also Darlington Lib., acc.E810001590; Northern Despatch , 7 Aug.1958.

128 Phillips 1894, pp.236-9; Spencer 1862, p.59. For Barrett, see Winifred Stokes, 'The Joint-stock generation: some lesser known North-eastern entrepreneurs of the "Railway Age"', Durham County Local History Society

Bulletin , 55 (November 1995), 5-24.

129 Spencer, p.120; Slater's Royal National Commercial DIrectory of the Northern Counties , 1854-5, p.16; Darlington and Stockton Times , 16 July 1881.

130 Phillips 1894, pp.236-9; Northern Echo , 21 Aug, 1883; Darlington and Stockton Times , 22 Sept.1883.

131 Darlington and Stockton Times, 31 Mar.1888.

132 Slater 1854-5, p.16.

133 Spencer 1862, p.59.

134 Spencer, pp.487-8.

135 Northern Echo , 23 April 1873; North Star , 3 Oct.1883.

136 North Star , 31 Aug.1895.

137 Darlington and Stockton Times , 5 Mar.1904; 12 Mar.1904.

138 Darlington and Stockton Times , 26 Dec. 1959.

139 Lloyds TSB Group Archive, B/413/a/1.0-2.0; The Dark Horse , July 1957, p.431.

140 Darlington Year Book and Business Directory , 1923, p.157.

141 Lloyds TSB Group Archive, premises photos.

142 The Dark Horse , July 1957, p.431; Chapman 1988, p.67.

143 North Star , 18 Dec.1923; Darlington and Stockton Times , 13 Mar.1926; 26 Dec.1959; Darlington Lib., cuttings books 1956, p.104; 1959, p.65.

144 CRO, D/XD/95/1.

145 CRO, D/HP 40; D/HP 39.

146 CRO, D/Ki 37.

147 Longstaffe, p.334.

148 Spencer, pp.493-5; Longstaffe p.334..

149 E.J.Cleary, The Building Society Movement (London: Elek, 1966), p.12.

150 Cleary 1966, p. 47.

151 DRO, D/Whes 3/47.

152 DRO, D/X 854/3; D/XD 16/38.

153 DRO, D/X 905/1/23.

154 Malcolm Chase, 'Out of radicalism: the mid-Victorian freehold land movement', English Historical Rev ., CVI (1991), pp.319-45.

155 Darlington Lib., acc. E810030517; E810034519.

156 Darlington Lib., acc. E810030517.

157 Darlington Lib., acc. E810030517; E810034519.

158 Darlington Building Society, passbook of William Berry; DRO, D/XD 16/37; also D/X 854/4.

159 Darlington Building Society, bank book.

160 Darlington Building Society, scrapbook of annual reports.

161 Cleary 1966, pp.45, 79.

162 Darlington Building Society, scrapbook of annual reports.

163 Cleary 1966, p. 121.

164 Cleary 1966, p.122.

165 Darlington Building Society, rules of the Onward Building Society, 1875; DRO, D/X 1001/3; D/X 943/2.

166 Darlington Building Society, Report to shareholders of the Onward Building Society on the affairs of the society, by Wm B Peat, FCA, 20 Feb 1890.

167 Cleary 1966, p.122, quoting Building Society Gazette , March 1890, p.45.

168 North Star , 3 Aug 1905; also Northern Echo , 16 Sept. 1996; 18 Mar.2000.

169 Darlington Building Society, Report to shareholders of the Onward Building Society on the affairs of the society, by Wm B Peat, FCA, 20 Feb 1890.

170 Teesside Archives, U/AA/1/24, copy and extract of the order by Darlington County Court to wind up the Onward Building Society, 19 Mar.1890; U/AA/1/25, order by Darlington County Court approving liquidation, 12 Apr.1890; Darlington Building Society, printed copy of Darlington County Court judgement, 22 Oct.1890, re Onward Building Society.

171 North Star , 3 Aug. 1905; also DRO, Cco/Da/52.

172 Darlington and Stockton Times , 17 May 1902.

173 North Star , 17 May 1904; 31 May 1904; Northern Echo , 31 May 1904.

174 Darlington Building Society, historical notes by David Blair.

175 Darlington Building Society, News cuttings book; Darlington and Stockton Times , 17 May 1902.

176 Darlington Building Society, historical notes by David Blair.

177 Darlington Building Society, News cuttings book.

178 DRO, Da/NG 2 /2759; see also Darlington Building Society, plans for windows installed in the Church Row premises, and various photographs.

179 Darlington and Stockton Times , 8 Mar.1903; Darlington Building Society, rules of the Durham and Yorkshire Building Society; Durham and Yorkshire Building Society print book; see also Durham and Yorkshire Building Society annual accounts, 1891-1923.

180 Darlington Building Society, Durham and Yorkshire Building Society print book.

181 DRO, D/XD 63/3; Darlington and Stockton Times , 25 May 1946; 1 June 1946; Darlington Building Society, folder of merger documents; Cleary 1966, p.231.

182 Darlington Building Society, press cuttings, 1946.

183 Darlington and Stockton Times , 3 April 1965; Darlington Lib., cuttings book 1990, p.264.